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By Ki-dong Yi

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Extra resources for A Korean grammar on semantic-pragmatic principles

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11 This possibility has not been widely explored within the theory of morphological markedness. A final possibility is that morphological markedness, as typologically revealed, may be a property of the nature of acquisition mechanisms and the filters of diachrony but not an inherent part of the computational system of language: this is the view endorsed by Hale and Reiss (2000) and Blevins (2004) for phonology and by Hawkins (2004) for syntax, though, to our knowledge, it has not been explicitly proposed as a factor in discussions of morphological markedness.

Crucial in this explanation, then, was the fact that Yiddish learners chose to organize inflectionally-related forms around a distinguished member, computed from a surface form (the plural), and through a single form alone. We will put aside the first hypothesis here for the present discussion, and pursue the learning consequences of adopting a base of inflection, abstract or otherwise, from a single form with a case at hand. The idea that speakers cannot “cobble together” an underlying representation from multiple sources of information–or perhaps, to put it less strongly, that there is an increasing cost for each additional surface form that must be integrated in order to deduce an underlying form–is challenging to integrate with some cases in which analogical leveling and extension might occur.

New York: Harper and Row. Crowhurst, Megan (1992) ‘Diminutives and augmentatives in Mexican Spanish: A prosodic analysis’. Phonology 9: 221–53. Di Sciullo, Anna Maria, and Edwin Williams (1987) On the Definition of Word. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. Downing, Laura, T. Alan Hall, and Renate Raffelsiefen (2005) Paradigms in Phonology Theory. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Embick, David (2000) ‘Features, syntax, and categories in the Latin perfect’. 2: 185–230. Feigenson, Lisa, and Susan Carey (2005) ‘On the limits of infants’ quantification of small object arrays’.

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